World Studies Quarterly 2251-7073 3 2 2014 01 21 Algerian War of Independence against French Colonialism and its Reflection in Literature Algerian War of Independence against French Colonialism and its Reflection in Literature 231 268 52850 10.22059/jwsq.2014.52850 FA Farideh Alavi Associate Professor of French Language and Literature, University of Tehran Zeinab Rezvantalab Ph.D. Comparitive Literature, French Literature, University of Tehran Journal Article 2013 06 02 The Algerian War of Independence, which broke out in 1954 and lasted 8 years taking innumerable lives is widely reflected in the French and Francophone works of literature. Today, half a century after the signing of the Evian Accords, we are witnessing the emergence of new works on the war, which not only record the collective memory of the nation, but also strive to satisfy the curiosity of the younger generation. It should be noted that each author, even if he doesn’t seek to promote a pre-determined ideology, narrates the war from his own point of view, and has a particular perspective on the war and its margins. Thus, comparing different versions of a single phenomenon can help avoid one-sided interpretations by providing a more wholesome view of the issue. In the following article, in addition to providing a brief history on the relations between France and Algeria, we attempt to study the narratives of the French war of independence while adopting a comparative approach to present an introduction of the social and political contexts in which they were narrated. The Algerian War of Independence, which broke out in 1954 and lasted 8 years taking innumerable lives is widely reflected in the French and Francophone works of literature. Today, half a century after the signing of the Evian Accords, we are witnessing the emergence of new works on the war, which not only record the collective memory of the nation, but also strive to satisfy the curiosity of the younger generation. It should be noted that each author, even if he doesn’t seek to promote a pre-determined ideology, narrates the war from his own point of view, and has a particular perspective on the war and its margins. Thus, comparing different versions of a single phenomenon can help avoid one-sided interpretations by providing a more wholesome view of the issue. In the following article, in addition to providing a brief history on the relations between France and Algeria, we attempt to study the narratives of the French war of independence while adopting a comparative approach to present an introduction of the social and political contexts in which they were narrated.

World Studies Quarterly 2251-7073 3 2 2014 01 21 US Political and Security Strategy toward China during( 2008_2012)Based on soft Balancing US Political and Security Strategy toward China during( 2008_2012)Based on soft Balancing 269 302 52851 10.22059/jwsq.2014.52851 FA Seyyed Mohammad Tabatabaei Assistant Professor of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabaei University Amir Ghiyasi M.A. in International Relations, Allameh Tabatabaei University Journal Article 2013 06 07 Beginning of the 21st century for the United States coincided with the economic and military advancements of East Asia, the largest populated country. Becoming a US rival, East Asia poses an international threat to the US. The influence of china on economy across various international regions, its permanent seat in UNSC with the right to veto, and the huge debt the US owes to China have all made it difficult for the US to confront China directly. The aim of this paper is to illustrate through the use of soft-balancing theories, US political and security policies during the years 2008-2012 toward an economic, military, and political uprising. Through the cooperation and establishment of broad military ties with China`s neighbors, the US has had challenging regions put China under pressure. It has had international organizations and regional institutions increase the economic and political costs of China, while it continues its competition with China to weaken its influence and militarily dominance in the region. Beginning of the 21st century for the United States coincided with the economic and military advancements of East Asia, the largest populated country. Becoming a US rival, East Asia poses an international threat to the US. The influence of china on economy across various international regions, its permanent seat in UNSC with the right to veto, and the huge debt the US owes to China have all made it difficult for the US to confront China directly. The aim of this paper is to illustrate through the use of soft-balancing theories, US political and security policies during the years 2008-2012 toward an economic, military, and political uprising. Through the cooperation and establishment of broad military ties with China`s neighbors, the US has had challenging regions put China under pressure. It has had international organizations and regional institutions increase the economic and political costs of China, while it continues its competition with China to weaken its influence and militarily dominance in the region.

World Studies Quarterly 2251-7073 3 2 2014 01 21 Scotland’s Fate in the Union with Great Britain: Scottish National Identity and the Process of Devolution Scotland’s Fate in the Union with Great Britain: Scottish National Identity and the Process of Devolution 303 323 52852 10.22059/jwsq.2014.52852 FA Hessamoddin Vaez-zadeh Assistant Professor of British Studies, University of Tehran Yaghma Kaabi PhD student of European Studies, University of Tehran Journal Article 2013 06 28 Devolution of powers has been a matter of increasing importance in European countries, especially after the Second World War. With the aim to reinforce political participation and continue the convergence of the regions, central governments have devolved some of their powers and responsibilities to regional and local administrations. In Britain, devolution of powers to the three regions of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland was carried out with the coming to power of New Labour in 1997. The aim of the British government was to create greater trust and unity between these regions and the central government, in the greater framework of the United Kingdom. The aim of this paper is to analyze the processes of devolution in Scotland and to discuss matters pertaining to nationalism and national identity. This paper seeks to answer questions regarding the scope and the influence of devolution, and to present the reasons why Scotland has moved away from the central government. The significance of this research lies in the fact that after 300 years of union, the Scots participated in a 2014 referendum to determine whether they would or would not continue to remain in the Union (formed in 1707). Either way, the outcome of the referendum would be highly influential both in Scotland’s internal affairs and in its relations with Westminster and the European Union. Devolution of powers has been a matter of increasing importance in European countries, especially after the Second World War. With the aim to reinforce political participation and continue the convergence of the regions, central governments have devolved some of their powers and responsibilities to regional and local administrations. In Britain, devolution of powers to the three regions of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland was carried out with the coming to power of New Labour in 1997. The aim of the British government was to create greater trust and unity between these regions and the central government, in the greater framework of the United Kingdom. The aim of this paper is to analyze the processes of devolution in Scotland and to discuss matters pertaining to nationalism and national identity. This paper seeks to answer questions regarding the scope and the influence of devolution, and to present the reasons why Scotland has moved away from the central government. The significance of this research lies in the fact that after 300 years of union, the Scots participated in a 2014 referendum to determine whether they would or would not continue to remain in the Union (formed in 1707). Either way, the outcome of the referendum would be highly influential both in Scotland’s internal affairs and in its relations with Westminster and the European Union.

World Studies Quarterly 2251-7073 3 2 2014 01 21 France’s Transatlantic politics under Nicholas Sarkozy France’s Transatlantic politics under Nicholas Sarkozy 325 348 52853 10.22059/jwsq.2014.52853 FA Said Khaloozadeh PhD. in Political Sciences, University of Paris Journal Article 2013 05 12 With the rise of Nicholas Sarkozy to power, in an evident spin, France’s foreign policy became American in essence. From the very first year of his presidency Sarkozy adopted a parallel policy to the U.S. Atlanticism is considered an important and inevitable leverage in Sarkozy’s foreign policy and his government marked a high point in foreign policy after de Goulle. This new approach is completely evident in the French transatlantic policies and we can clearly see the changes of France’s policies which are inspired by closeness to the U.S regarding Islamic republic of Iran. Sarkozy’s new approach in foreign policy includes a balanced standpoint of Eurocentrism and Atlantisicm in which the European Union and NATO are considered strategic and operational complementaries. Sarkozy tried to explain the closeness to the U.S in a framework of European policies. Sarkozy is looking for a new definition of the role of France in the international relations. He is trying to achieve more influence and credit in the international scene by leveraging Atlantisicm and closeness to the U.S. Parallel with strengthening transatlantic interactions, Sarkozy has tried to announce the return of his country to the NATO military branch, Achieving the most share of NATO’s command and also dispatching forces to Afghanistan. In this paper, the intensification of the French foreign policy towards Iran in line with France’s policy in getting closer to the U.S is also discussed. With the rise of Nicholas Sarkozy to power, in an evident spin, France’s foreign policy became American in essence. From the very first year of his presidency Sarkozy adopted a parallel policy to the U.S. Atlanticism is considered an important and inevitable leverage in Sarkozy’s foreign policy and his government marked a high point in foreign policy after de Goulle. This new approach is completely evident in the French transatlantic policies and we can clearly see the changes of France’s policies which are inspired by closeness to the U.S regarding Islamic republic of Iran. Sarkozy’s new approach in foreign policy includes a balanced standpoint of Eurocentrism and Atlantisicm in which the European Union and NATO are considered strategic and operational complementaries. Sarkozy tried to explain the closeness to the U.S in a framework of European policies. Sarkozy is looking for a new definition of the role of France in the international relations. He is trying to achieve more influence and credit in the international scene by leveraging Atlantisicm and closeness to the U.S. Parallel with strengthening transatlantic interactions, Sarkozy has tried to announce the return of his country to the NATO military branch, Achieving the most share of NATO’s command and also dispatching forces to Afghanistan. In this paper, the intensification of the French foreign policy towards Iran in line with France’s policy in getting closer to the U.S is also discussed.

World Studies Quarterly 2251-7073 3 2 2014 01 21 A Critique and Evaluation on Latin American Theories of Development after the Cold War A Critique and Evaluation on Latin American Theories of Development after the Cold War 349 379 52854 10.22059/jwsq.2014.52854 FA Mohammad Javad Ranjkesh Assistant Professor of International Relations, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran Hamid Reza Keshavarz MA. in International Relations, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran Hossein Asghari Sani MA. in International Relations, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran Journal Article 2013 08 08 With the expression of the modernization theory as the dominant paradigm of development during the 1950s, approaches towards development were extracted from this paradigm. But with the birth of the attachment school of thought, the modernization theory was scrutinized. For Latin American countries however, the attachment school of thought was considered a Marxist ideology up until the end of the Cold War. Towards the end of the Cold War, and with the changes that took place in the international system, Marxist visions, including the attachment school of thought were also scrutinized due to a lack of resources. Latin American countries were able to distance themselves from the attachment system, and instead establish proper relations with advanced countries that helped their development. The aim of this study is examine and criticize common visions regarding the development of Latin American countries after the Cold War era. According to the findings in this paper, Latin American countries are advancing towards growth and development through their approaches to structural and institutional globalization of economics. With the expression of the modernization theory as the dominant paradigm of development during the 1950s, approaches towards development were extracted from this paradigm. But with the birth of the attachment school of thought, the modernization theory was scrutinized. For Latin American countries however, the attachment school of thought was considered a Marxist ideology up until the end of the Cold War. Towards the end of the Cold War, and with the changes that took place in the international system, Marxist visions, including the attachment school of thought were also scrutinized due to a lack of resources. Latin American countries were able to distance themselves from the attachment system, and instead establish proper relations with advanced countries that helped their development. The aim of this study is examine and criticize common visions regarding the development of Latin American countries after the Cold War era. According to the findings in this paper, Latin American countries are advancing towards growth and development through their approaches to structural and institutional globalization of economics.

World Studies Quarterly 2251-7073 3 2 2014 01 21 A View on Cultural Diplomacy in France; The High Position of Culture in Diplomacy A View on Cultural Diplomacy in France; The High Position of Culture in Diplomacy 381 406 52855 10.22059/jwsq.2014.52855 FA Nahid Shahverdiani Assistant Professor of French Language and Literature, University of Tehran Samira Saeidian MA in British Studies, University of Tehran Journal Article 2013 05 17 There is no doubt that culture is of the most important principles of diplomacy in a country that established the first ministry of culture in the world. Such a unique attention to culture and its role in international relations is based on the French government and the politicians’ view and concentration on the issue of culture in this country for a long time. Since five centuries ago, culture has been considered by the government (or the authority) in this country and has been among the basic elements of identity and power. On the other hand, France has tried to found its historical magnificence and power on the basis of culture and art all through the history especially since the Louis XIV era. The government’s support from culture in all aspects and presenting issues such as “cultural exception” recently, have been done in this regard. The question which can be asked is: With what system and support has France made such a complicated network and what purposes is France following in this way?” The current paper tries to depict the role and position of culture in the internal and foreign policy of France through a historical approach and present a clear image from the cultural diplomacy of this country. There is no doubt that culture is of the most important principles of diplomacy in a country that established the first ministry of culture in the world. Such a unique attention to culture and its role in international relations is based on the French government and the politicians’ view and concentration on the issue of culture in this country for a long time. Since five centuries ago, culture has been considered by the government (or the authority) in this country and has been among the basic elements of identity and power. On the other hand, France has tried to found its historical magnificence and power on the basis of culture and art all through the history especially since the Louis XIV era. The government’s support from culture in all aspects and presenting issues such as “cultural exception” recently, have been done in this regard. The question which can be asked is: With what system and support has France made such a complicated network and what purposes is France following in this way?” The current paper tries to depict the role and position of culture in the internal and foreign policy of France through a historical approach and present a clear image from the cultural diplomacy of this country.

World Studies Quarterly 2251-7073 3 2 2014 01 21 Islamic Uprising and the Pattern of Turkish Government Islamic Uprising and the Pattern of Turkish Government 407 431 52856 10.22059/jwsq.2014.52856 FA Nesa Zahedi Assistant Professor of Political Sciences, Mofid University Journal Article 2013 07 29 With the expression of the modernization theory as the dominant paradigm of development during the 1950s, approaches towards development were extracted from this paradigm. But with the birth of the attachment school of thought, the modernization theory was scrutinized. For Latin American countries however, the attachment school of thought was considered a Marxist ideology up until the end of the Cold War. Towards the end of the Cold War, and with the changes that took place in the international system, Marxist visions, including the attachment school of thought were also scrutinized due to a lack of resources. Latin American countries were able to distance themselves from the attachment system, and instead establish proper relations with advanced countries that helped their development. The aim of this study is examine and criticize common visions regarding the development of Latin American countries after the Cold War era. According to the findings in this paper, Latin American countries are advancing towards growth and development through their approaches to structural and institutional globalization of economics. With the expression of the modernization theory as the dominant paradigm of development during the 1950s, approaches towards development were extracted from this paradigm. But with the birth of the attachment school of thought, the modernization theory was scrutinized. For Latin American countries however, the attachment school of thought was considered a Marxist ideology up until the end of the Cold War. Towards the end of the Cold War, and with the changes that took place in the international system, Marxist visions, including the attachment school of thought were also scrutinized due to a lack of resources. Latin American countries were able to distance themselves from the attachment system, and instead establish proper relations with advanced countries that helped their development. The aim of this study is examine and criticize common visions regarding the development of Latin American countries after the Cold War era. According to the findings in this paper, Latin American countries are advancing towards growth and development through their approaches to structural and institutional globalization of economics.

World Studies Quarterly 2251-7073 3 2 2014 01 21 Islam y Judaismo contemporaneos en America Latina: Los casos de Argentina, Brasil y Chile Islam y Judaismo contemporaneos en America Latina: Los casos de Argentina, Brasil y Chile 433 442 52857 10.22059/jwsq.2014.52857 FA Morteza Tafrishi PhD in History, Azad University Journal Article 2013 05 24 Doctor Isaac Grinspun was born in 1957 and is a researcher on Islam and the Middle East issues in the Institute of International Studies at the University of Arturo Prat in Chile. His area of expertise is mainly the international relations. Doctor Grinspun has made researches on contemporary islamic fundamentalism and managed a research project on this area. He is the autor of several books and articles on jews and muslim communities in Europe and Latin America. The book "Islam and Judaism in Latin America" which is written in spanish language is concerned to the situation of jews and muslims in Latin America from the historical, political, economic, cultural and the immigration perspectives. Doctor Isaac Grinspun was born in 1957 and is a researcher on Islam and the Middle East issues in the Institute of International Studies at the University of Arturo Prat in Chile. His area of expertise is mainly the international relations. Doctor Grinspun has made researches on contemporary islamic fundamentalism and managed a research project on this area. He is the autor of several books and articles on jews and muslim communities in Europe and Latin America. The book "Islam and Judaism in Latin America" which is written in spanish language is concerned to the situation of jews and muslims in Latin America from the historical, political, economic, cultural and the immigration perspectives.

World Studies Quarterly 2251-7073 3 2 2014 01 21 Abstracts Abstracts 1 7 52891 10.22059/jwsq.2014.52891 FA Journal Article 2015 02 24